These gazettes provided monthly information about the number of strikes that the Statistics Office of the Ministry was aware of. Subsequently, the information was refined with more detailed statistics on strikes which included the number of strikers, lost workdays, causes of the strikes, etc. For example, the statistics of appeared in the issue of January , those of in July , and those of in August However, for and , there are only data available from the monthly gazettes until July in the latter year , without the subsequent refinement.
On the other hand, the data used refers to the strikes with complete information and not to the number of strikes declared. This is because we have observed that for the years and , the number of strikes declared was much higher than the number of strikes with complete information, which could reflect an excessive wave of strikes during these two years. So, in , the number of strikes declared was , while the number of strikes with complete data was In , the gap widened, as the number of strikes declared was , while the number of strikes with complete data was During the years and , however, the difference between declared strikes and strikes with complete information reduced.
For this reason, using the number of strikes with complete data, we can gain an insight of the strike scenario which, although on a smaller scale, should be closer to the reality of the whole of the national territory during the republican period. The Ministry of Employment and Social Welfare Gazettes with the classification of the strikes by type of industry have not been found. We have used the statistics from the Statistical Yearbook, which does not disaggregate the data by economic sector. In order to resolve this problem, we have made an agricultural strike estimate based on the percentage weight of the agricultural workers in each of the Spanish regions and provinces, the data for which has been drawn from the study by Alcaide [ 30 ], p.
In , the number of strikes with complete data in this region was We have done the same on a provincial level. And we have applied this calculation to all of the Spanish regions and provinces for the year We acknowledge that this estimate has some limitations: principally, as already partly explained above, for the year we have used the percentage of the salaried workers of the agricultural sector corresponding to , and not Therefore, the agricultural strike data obtained for this year should be considered as an approximate estimate of the real strike situation in the Spanish countryside in the first year of the Republican regime.
First, and as already mentioned, both sources only include the strikes and lockouts of which the Statistical Department of the Ministry was aware.
Taking into account that the strike movement intensified during the republican period, particularly in , there were probably moments when the real number of strikes was higher than the number reported by the Ministry in its official statistics. However, we consider that these statistics, although incomplete, enable us to identify, in approximate terms, the moments of greatest and least labour unrest during the year of the Second Spanish Republic.
Second, we do not know the criterion or criteria established by the Ministry of Labour to consider a labour protest as a strike. In this sense, and without denying the possible existence of lockouts, we consider that the majority of the strikes of which the Ministry had knowledge correspond to collective interruptions of the labour activity by the workers in order to claim certain conditions or labour improvements.
Although many of the strikes and strikers must have been concentrated in rural areas less than 10, inhabitants , others must have been located in larger towns, such as the Mediterranean and Andalusian agrocities with more than 20, inhabitants where there was a strong presence of agricultural workers and agroindustry.
Unfortunately, the statistics of strikes published by the Ministry of Labour do not provide information at the municipal level. Finally, we have listed the ranges of the number of strikes which we have considered in order to estimate the three levels of agricultural unrest low, medium and high. Therefore, and in the absence of studies that have contemplated it, in this article, we have used an ad hoc classification on a regional and provincial level. For the regional scale, the levels of rural unrest considered are the following in parentheses, the range of agricultural strikes : a low level of rural unrest 1—25 strikes ; b medium level of rural unrest 26—99 strikes ; and c high level of rural unrest over strikes.
For the provincial scale, the levels of unrest considered are the following: a low level of rural unrest 1—5 strikes ; b medium level of rural unrest 6—15 strikes ; and c high level of rural unrest over 16 strikes. Figure 1 identifies the cycles of greatest labour unrest of the first third of the twentieth century in Spain based on the strike data for which complete data is available.
According to this series, the number of strikes experienced a preliminary increase between and , and increased again between and The La Canadiense strike in Barcelona during the first semester of was very important because, when it concluded, the decree that established the legal working day of eight hours in Spain was enacted. After the First World War, from to , the series reached its historical maximum level, which can be explained by the resistance of the employers to accept wage increases amidst a post-war crisis and the prolongation of conflicts.
With the economic depression of , and the political and social instability during the first two years of the Second Republic, the strike movement and the unrest intensified, particularly in However, both the official sources and the specialised research indicate that the upward trend in the number of strikes began before the arrival of the republican regime: they had quadrupled between and , continued to rise in until almost doubling again in , which was the year when the unrest peaked, at least until the spring of In spite of this, the period of the Second Republic is known as one of the two great cycles of unrest throughout the first third of the twentieth century [ 33 ].
Figure 2 shows that the strikes in forestry and agricultural industries evolved in a similar way to the overall number of strikes a smaller number in the forestry industry. The strike series with which we have worked, referring to forestry and agricultural activities, confirms the increase, in real terms, of the agricultural unrest during the first two-year period. The increase reached its maximum point in , when the percentage of agricultural strikes represented From this year, we can observe a continuous decrease, which was rapid until , resulting from the contraction of the rural unrest during the second Republican biennium November —February , followed by an upturn during the spring of , after the elections of February which were won by the coalition of left-wing parties of the Spanish Popular Front.
Meanwhile, Table 1 shows the percentage distribution of the number of strikes, striking workers and lost days in the forestry and agricultural industries by Spanish region between and These figures can be explained not only by the size of the territory, but also the level of implementation and mobilisation of the agricultural unions in the majority of the Andalusian provinces, the incidence of unemployment and the weight that agriculture still had in the regional economy.
With respect to the percentage of striking workers, Andalusia was followed by the Region of Valencia In this respect, the case of Asturias is noteworthy.
Finally, and with respect to lost days, Andalusia was followed, although with a considerable gap, by the Region of Valencia with 7. In this section, we will trace the three classic stages of study of the Second Spanish Republic: a first biennium April —November , governed by a centre-left coalition ; b second biennium November —February , governed by a centre-right coalition; and c the stage of the Popular Front February—July , governed by a coalition of the principally left-wing parties.
The approach of historical geography is adopted as a method of study to analyse the distribution of agrarian conflicts through the different political stages that the republican regime went through. It is a methodology that, from the aggregation of strike data at the provincial level, allows measuring the incidence that rural policies and labour relations had in the different Spanish regions of the time. Figure 3 , Figure 4 and Figure 5 present the results of the geographic distribution of the number of strikes in forestry and agricultural industries and their intensity, by Spanish region, in the years , and The data reveal, on the one hand, contrasts in the regional distribution of the strikes in the first biennium of the republic and, on the other, a progressive increase of the rural unrest, recording a greater intensity in This trend was interrupted in , as we can see in Figure 5 , when there was a significant increase in the unrest.
In this sense, the case of Andalusia stands out, with the progressive increase experienced by rural unrest in this region during the first biennium, from a low level of conflict in , to an average level in , and a high level in This evolution could be partly related, to the vicissitudes experienced by the Agrarian Reform Law in the region since September , together with the impact of the new agricultural labour legislation and the control of the local governments exercised by the left-wing parties [ 16 , 28 , 34 ]. The arrival of the Second Republic coincided with the exacerbation of the deflationary and depressive trends of the agricultural and international economic crisis of the s.
The crisis affected the main exporting sectors and the traditional Castilian cereal agriculture sector for different reasons. The latter saw its prices plummet as a consequence of the excellent wheat harvests of and The drop in prices of the principal agricultural export products—olive oil and oranges—together with the increase in wages and main production costs reduction in the length of the working day, machinery This situation did not only affect the medium and large owners, but also an unknown number of small owners and lessees who, increasingly more oriented towards a capitalist agriculture, frequently turned to the labour market to hire day labourers who were essential for working in the fields [ 29 ].
The combination of these adverse circumstances gave rise to an unstable situation in agriculture and in agricultural labour relations which, in turn, led to an increase in strike conflicts, particularly in , as we can see in Figure 5. It is within this context, together with the reality of the landowners, that we should consider the grievance action taken from by the agricultural unions whose membership grew with the significant increase in farm workers, on the whole salaried, during the republican period.
The joint action of the socialist and anarchist agricultural unions and the adoption of collective bargaining to establish working conditions, led to a conflictive situation in agriculture, as it implied the loss of control of the labour market by the farm owners.
We should also add that the passing of different decrees drawn up by the Ministry of Employment and Social Welfare, directed by the socialist Francisco Largo Caballero during the first biennium, did not mitigate the model, but rather exacerbated it, despite being measures that sought to resolve unemployment, such as the Law of Municipal Boundaries or the Law of Forced Labour. The former obliged landowners to preferably hire labourers of the town who were registered in job banks, rather than those who were not, women or outsiders.
Figure 5 also shows that, at the end of the first two years of the Republic, labour unrest in the Spanish countryside was prominent and more varied that traditionally reported in the specialised bibliography, in accordance with the extraordinary diversity that characterised Spanish agriculture of that time [ 37 , 38 ].
Judging from the results obtained, the unrest depended largely on the degree of implementation and mobilisation of the agricultural unions in certain regions, the unemployment rates and the resistance of the landowners to the agricultural reform of , and the application of the employment legislation before day labouring and collective bargaining. The data in Figure 5 show that Castilla-La Mancha, with a predominance of extensive farming carried out by day labourers; and eastern Valencia, with a highly profitable intensive farming by small landowners and lessees, displayed medium levels of unrest between 26 and 99 strikes.
Radicalizar la democracia (Spanish Edition) - Kindle edition by Solidaridad y Cristianismo Foro Ignacio Ellacuría. Download it once and read it on your Kindle. Radicalizar la democracia (Spanish Edition) - Kindle edition by Foro Ignacio Ellacuría Solidaridad Y Cristianismo. Download it once and read it on your Kindle.
What factors can explain this increase in labour unrest in the aforementioned agricultural regions? In the case of Andalusia, the specialised historiography indicates that the hunger for land in the latifundio areas, together with the terrible living conditions of the masses of day labourers and the fears of the large owners of the agricultural reform, constituted a breeding ground for unrest [ 20 , 28 , 39 ].
To this, we should also add the refusal of the landowners to farm their land without using machinery or to fulfil the employment regulations dictated by the Mixed Juries of Rural Labour in the collective bargaining. This bargaining, on the other hand, did not guarantee the absence of conflicts [ 40 ].
In the territory of Castilla-La Mancha, the international protectionism hindered Manchego wine exports and slowed down the increase in wine prices. The problems of the agricultural sector could not be resolved with the evolution of olive growing either, which was experiencing an increase in rural unemployment. The stagnation of oil prices led to a fall in the profitability per hectare between and Therefore, the negative evolution of agricultural prices and the increase in unemployment aggravated the social unrest in this region of inland Spain [ 42 ].
Meanwhile, during the third quarter of , the eastern part of Spain was ranked fourth in terms of the number of unemployed after western Andalusia, Extremadura and Castilla-La Mancha [ 43 ]. Specifically, in Valencia, the majority of the strikes and conflicts were related to the application of the new labour laws, particularly with respect to the placement of agricultural workers, at a time when the employment crisis was serious, due to the fall in the exports of the rice and orange growing areas, increasing rural unemployment slightly. In terms of the percentage distribution of the agricultural strikes by Spanish region, it may be observed that in the first two-year period of the Republic, some territories had high percentages of rural unrest, others had an intermediate level and, finally, certain territories had low percentages of unrest.
Together, the unrest in the two regions increased from The territories with an intermediate position included Castilla-La Mancha and Valencia. Together, these two regions accounted for Finally, among the regions with the lowest percentage of rural unrest were Aragon, Extremadura, the Canary Islands, Madrid, and all of the small and medium-sized owners and lessees in Galicia, La Rioja, Catalonia and Navarre.
Together, they represented Of these, the case of Extremadura is particularly interesting. The objectives of the Agrarian Reform Law of included the implementation of different mechanisms for assigning land and agricultural resources. One of the proposed mechanisms was the expropriation of unfarmed or poorly farmed land.
Download The actual unification decree was first disseminated by Radio Nacional in repeated broadcasts aired during April 19, though exact hour of the first broadcast is not clear. Their roots can be traced to earlier architectonic ideas and theories which not only found expression in fascist countries, but in communist regimes and liberal democracies in the period — This augmented Falange served as Spain's sole legal party for the next 38 years, becoming one of the instrumental pillars of Franco's regime. The contributors address the multiples dynamics generated by Podemos as a new party developed out of the economic crisis, the structural crisis concerning social democracy and the incarnation of the welfare state project, and, more generally, out of the Left. However, formatting rules can vary widely between applications and fields of interest or study.
Attempts were made to palliate the slowness of applying the Agrarian Reform Law through a complementary measure, which was the Decree of Crop Intensification of 22 October , which enabled the temporary occupation of estates which were no longer leased or farmed and were only used for cattle in the southern half of Spain, as was the case of Extremadura.
The decree affected around 1, estates in nine provinces approximately , hectares and hired around 40, families, the majority in Extremadura, whose members were unemployed [ 44 , 45 ]. For the case of Extremadura, particularly in the Province of Badajoz, thanks to the Decree of Intensification, the level of unrest in the region decreased considerably during the winter of to [ 46 ], p.
The electoral victory of the centre-right coalition in November was a key element of the evolution and dynamics of the labour unrest during the second biennium of the Republic, including that of the rural areas. This was basically because it enabled the agricultural employers of many regions to start feeling protected by the presence of a clear anti-reformist parliamentary majority. Supported by the new political scene arising from the elections, the agricultural employers stepped up their actions of resistance and non-compliance with the new republican reformist labour legislation, collective bargaining and the agricultural reform passed during the first biennium.
Even so, the strategy of the agricultural employers that was most used from the beginning of to weaken the challenging capacity of socialist or anarchist agricultural trade unions consisted in the labour discrimination of day labourers who were members of these unions, together with the repeated rejection of collective bargaining and the non-compliance with the labour legislation [ 12 ]. A similar approach to arrangement, but one which is less radical than reader interest arrangement, is to rely upon broad categorisation rather than detailed specification.
Librarians have always had a deep-seated , and often irrational, faith in education - especially book-centred, information education - as a panacea for society's ills. This kind of distribution is represented by a curve which shows a hugely lopsided frequency for the majority, then a dramatic drop, dribbling off into a long tail of mostly zeros.
It has become far too easy for charlatans and bigots to harness religion to their own political agenda. As a bigoted radio personality incites whites to seek revenge, tensions mount and Smith fights to slake the anger that engulfs him. I have spoken of enumeration in terms perhaps dictated by a revulsion from the view so often held that the compilation of subject catalogues is the true and proper function of the bibliographer.